Totalitarianism
When a drug is found to have a  serious side effect, it is immediately withdrawn from circulation. A lot of  pharmacological compounds and molecules are withdrawn at the research stage  because of unacceptable side effects. However, what is unacceptable is itself  quite subjective. Of course, subjective does not mean arbitrary or something  done on a whim of a doctor or researcher. But subjective in  the sense that a professional value judgement has to be exercised. For  example, cancer drugs are notoriously toxic with some nasty side effects, but  they are still used because of the perceived value they might have to a cancer  patient. A pain relief drug would be immediately withdrawn if there is a remote  chance that it might have a negative effect on the liver, say.  
Since this is not an essay on  medical ethics, I will not go in ethical issues relating to drugs and medical  science. What is important for us is that we expect a drug to be withdrawn if is  has a negative side effect. We are prepared, however, to accept a certain degree  of side effects, if the benefit of the drug far out weighs the side effects. And  thirdly, Although, the decision to withdraw a drug is  subjective, we accept that a certain professional process and standard is  involved.
If we had to ask a person on  the Clapham omnibus, or traffic jam as the case may be, they would certainly  agree with the syntax that totalitarianism is unacceptable. However, we might  not all agree what is totalitarianism, what is unacceptable and what to do about  it. So, what I want to consider here is how do we get from a clear consensus of  the proposition in syntax form to the disarray and chaos we find ourselves in  when it comes to actually doing something about it?
It is very easy to forget that  language is quite a complex tool and activity. And one of the easiest, if not  convenient, things to forget about language is that its end point is an action.  When we see a sign saying emergency exit we know  exactly what to do in an emergency. The same when we read a report in a  newspaper, the result is that we feel we have more information about something  which might lead us to change our opinion or whatever. Even this essay has the  end point of providing some ideas for discussion during the meeting. So what is  the end point of the syntax totalitarianism is  unacceptable?
The syntax test assumes that  the person answering the question (Is totalitarian acceptable or unacceptable?)  understands our question and knows the meaning of such words as  totalitarianism and unacceptable. But the most  serious assumption we make is that our meaning of totalitarianism & co is  the same as the person being questioned. I don't think we are justified in  making that assumption about the other person. 
My understanding of  totalitarianism or unacceptable could easily have  different meanings to other people. For some people, unacceptable might mean,  I have to change things now and actually start to change things now, whereas for  others it might just be a label to describe a situation. In one case  unacceptable might lead to physical action, whereas in another it might just  lead to an opinion.
Why doesn't the word  unacceptable, or even words like evil, bad, intolerable, have the imperative  import of say words like, stop, emergency exit, help, toxic, side effect? Could  it be that we can identify more with buildings on fire or terminal diseases than  say totalitarian political systems?
It could also be that most of  us just have some kind of political inertia when it comes to political activism.  Maybe, this is the result of a feeling that we are incapable of changing things  as individuals. And probably, even as a society. An alternative is that we don't  identify ourselves with the governing elite of our country. And as a consequence  we don't read an imperative meaning in words such as unacceptable in a context  of politics. So, the meaning of unacceptable depends very much on our opinion or  belief in our role as political agents. Of course, not everyone feels they are  ineffective in changing politics systems or are of the opinion that its just  not their business.
Even if we did agree that a  regime was totalitarian, that a regime is unacceptable and that we have hard  evidence showing why a regime is unacceptable, this still doesn't necessarily  lead to action. So far I haven't said anything about which government (system)  is being totalitarian: our government or somebody else's government? This  question has a direct bearing on two other fundamental questions? The first  is, what do we mean by totalitarianism? The second  question is, should we always remove a totalitarian  state or regime? 
What is totalitarianism? What  do we mean by this? Because of its inbuilt ambiguity we probably cannot give an  all encompassing definition. If we tried to do this by referring to the  traditional meaning of the concept then we'll probably end up including all  governments and all political systems under this heading. I won't refer to any  specific author (a quick search on the internet will give you a good idea of who  the major authors are), but we might consider totalitarianism to include such  things as single party state, concentration of power in a few people, maybe  exercised arbitrarily, lack of freedom of speech and/or movement of people.  Totalitarian regimes are also very good at playing the nationalistic card;  excessive nationalism is the equivalent of an emergency exit sign in a  building.
One important reason why we  cannot have a precise definition is because political institutions and system  are the result of cultural development, historical events, traditions and  political evolution. So, what might be totalitarian for one culture might be  normal for an other. And the reverse is true, what  might be considered as democracy for some might be incarceration for others.  
At face value, this might be  true, but not if we consider the issue carefully. This is where the analogy with  medical drugs comes in. Some drugs act on the pathogen or disease in different  ways. Some might have certain types of side effects, some serious, some not,  some extreme, some not so much. However, what is certain is that a given drug is  specific to a given disease or a given treatment. Of course, some drugs might  become useful for other things, but this does not change the specificity  principle. Normally, one does not prescribe a cancer drug for pain relief, say.  Maybe one does, I don't know, what we do know is that there is usually a clear  demarcation between one drug and another. By the same token, things might be  hazy at the edges, but we can still find a demarcation test to establish, on the  balance of probability, whether a system is totalitarian or  not.
Maybe, the criteria should not  be what a political system can do for us, but what does it do with opposition or  people who believe that things should be done differently. Some supporters or  apologists of totalitarian system always point at the supposed benefits people  enjoy under the system. And if that was not enough, reference is always made to  situations of times gone by for good measure. 
However, education can always  be given cheaply or at no cost whatever the political system; a health system  can always be free at the point of use whatever the political concept we operate  under. In other words, social benefits might not always be the best test we can  use. On the other hand, how a system copes with opposition is a real test. A  system that does not tolerate opposition, or worse, liquidates or incarcerates  people with different opinions, is a good indicator whether a system is  totalitarian or not. 
But opposition in a  totalitarian state is a bit of a catch 22 situation. If one claims ones right  to oppose the regime, one is probably going to end up in some serious trouble.  If one does not express one's opinion then things are ok and the system works.  One can even escalate the drama and use violence against the totalitarian  system. But this means doing the same things as the system one is trying to  oppose. In other words, trying to start a new system using the same tactics as  the old regime might not set a good.
In a way, what we mean by  totalitarianism is insignificant unless we are prepared to do something about  it. On the one hand, if it is dangerous for people within the system to take  action, it is equally dangerous for people outside the system to try and help  out. This is a very convincing argument why words like unacceptable might not  have the imperative import words like toxic or help have. Doing something  about totalitarian regimes does not come instinctively. Removing or taking  action against totalitarian regimes takes a calculated and intentional action.  
Another reason why  totalitarian systems are allowed to flourish is that we sometimes stand to gain  from these systems although we might not agree with what the regime does. This  benefit can be economic, social or even political. For example, a country using  totalitarian policies can manage over a billion people and a well run economic  system, which in turn can create regional stability others can prosper in. Of  course, this does not answer the question whether a totalitarian system is  stable or, better still, inherently destined to disappear? We can say one thing  for sure, though, they are safe until the opposition  reaches a critical mass.
Does a  global market stability justify a totalitarian system? In a way, a  question about what to do with totalitarian systems, is  a question asking about a balance between altruism and self preservation. Trying  to help others can seriously affect one's welfare, safety or security. Not to  mention that some people might not even be grateful for one's efforts. And as we  know from present day realpolitik, turning a blind eye  can be more than just rewarding. 
Curiously, there seems to be a  parallel between helping to get rid of totalitarian regimes and drugs. Those in  charge for removing unsafe drugs from circulation have, in theory, no person  interest in the matter. The unacceptable side effects only affect patients who  need to take the drug. The parallel is that at least at face value, getting rid  of a totalitarian regime in an other country will  generally benefit the people ruled by that regime. Of course, I am excluding in  this example, situations where the totalitarian regime is a direct threat to  one's democratic country or security.
If you remember, I set out to  explore how we get from the syntax consensus of the proposition, totalitarianism  is unacceptable, to the chaos we find about actually doing something about. A  choice between altruistic behaviour and self preservation is always a difficult  choice. So it is not surprising that this should also be reflected at the  practical end of the issue. But this choice is not the only reason, nor the most  fundamental for the discrepancy.
Going  back, for the last time, to the drug selection analogy, the people who decide  whether to approve a drug or not are themselves professionally  qualified. And not only that, but they  also have a very sophisticated science in the background as an arbiter.  Questions about actions relating to what is acceptable or unacceptable are  grounded in ethics and moral systems. Of course, we can study moral behaviour  scientifically, but does that mean that ethics is a science? Moreover, moral  behaviour is human behaviour in which case, who are the  experts when it comes to doing something about  totalitarianism?
Take  care